BandungBergerak.id – On the arrival of the Japanese, the colonial government arrested a number of local young men. Those who were gathered in the anti-facist movement in the Dutch East Indies. They were then dragged to a concentration camp located in Garut. Among the names of those who were caught, Sidik Kertapati was one of them. He is in the midst of other names like S.K. Trimurti, Wikana, etc.

Sidik Kertapati was born April 19, 1920 in South Klungkung, Bali. Long before the Japanese occupation, he had already felt the suffering of the poverty under the Dutch East Indies colonization. Perhaps it was what later encouraged him to join into the movement. He opposed all forms of colonialism.

As things progressed, Sidik Kertapati became more and more active in the realm of upheaval. He reappeared when various underground movements emerged during the Japanese occupation. He joined one of the three undergound movements that developed in Jakarta. They usually gathered at Menteng Raya 31 street.

Among them were names like Supeno, Aidit, Lukman, Djohar Nur, Asmara Hadi, and elder figures like Ir. Sakirman and Sukardjo Wirjopranoto. Even other youths such as B.M. Diah, Adam Malik, and Anwar Tjokroaminoto – who was working at the Japanese news agency Domi. Or at the metropolitan newspaper Asia Raya – intensively communicated with the residents of Menteng Raya 31.

According to Benedict Anderson, in Revoloesi Pemoeda (2018, page 47), the underground movement here does not mean “guerrilla troops” or sabotage groups, but rather communication networks established since the beginning of the Japanese colonization. In his relations with these people, Sidik Kertapati grew into a strong young man.

On May 16-18, 1945, he was involved in the Youth Congress at Villa Isola, Bandung. One of the resolutions agreed upon was to demand from Japan that the Youth Force be given space to spread its wings and emerge in all fields, both social and political.

“For it is they who will be the future builders and defenders of the Independent Republic of Indonesia,” stated Soeara Moeslimin Indonesia, June 15, 1945. (2018, page. 55)

Sidik Kertapati was in the line of the youth who at this time began to frequently launch opposition to the old faction, especially after the formation of an “unofficial political liaison group” called Angkatan Baru. In the future, he also played an important role with other youths in the lead-up to the proclamation on Agust 17, 1945.

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Organized in API (Indonesian Youth Force)

After Bung Karno and Bung Hatta read the proclamation script on Agust 17, 1945, the chant “Merdeka!” Echoed through the streets. Almost every day. On September 1, 1945, a few young men in Jakarta took the initiative. Sidik Kertapati included in that lineup.

Along the way, they established the API (Indonesian Youth Force). Its headquarters, located at Menteng Raya 31 Dormitory. Aimed to coordinate the efforts of all youth groups in the capital.

Names like Wikana, Chaerul Saleh, Darwis, Aidit, Pardjono, Hanafi, Djohar Nur, and Chalid Rasjidi, also gathered in this group.

Meanwhile, the development of the API was followed by sub-organizations simultaneously. Sidik Kertapati helped establish the Barisan Rakyat (BARA). A farmers’ organization. He was joined by other young men such as Lukman, Naruto Nitimihardjo, and Sjamsuddin Tjan. In addition, the Labor Front was formed. This Labor protest group was led by Njono and Pandu Kartawiguna.

“All three of them were official organizations under the auspices of the headquarters of the Action Van Committee at Menteng Raya 31,” writes Benedict Anderson (2018, page. 133).

The Action Committee then aired a manifesto in which it called for the seizure of weapons from the Japanese. And took the entire company out of Japanese hands. On September 3, 1945, transportation throughout Jakarta was successfully occupied.

On September 19, 1945, Sidik Kertapati organized a giant Ikada meeting with other young people. Later on, they spread quickly to the districts around Jakarta. He also made arrangements for the meeting to be attended by many people. This is where the contrast between the young and the old becomes more noticeable. The older faction was strongly opposed. However, Sidik Kertapati and other young people never gave up. Then, they managed to convince the older faction.

Tension peaked. Since noon, Kenpetai had been guarding the entire entrance to Ikada. Tanks and machine guns were prepared. With feeling of hesitationmixed with fear, wrote Benedict Anderson (2018, page. 139), Sukarno and Hatta arrived at Ikada. Along with cabinet members, and prominent youth, he spoke briefly.

Bung Karno gave orders to the assembled citizen of Indonesia (estimated by Tan Malaka at 200.000 people) to disperse quietly and serenely. He provides security to all citizen of Indonesia.

“We will keep the proclamation; we will not give up. But in that case, we have already drafted the amendment. Because of that, obey our amendment,” said a quote from Bung Karno’s speech (Antara-Domei, September 20, 1945; 2018, page. 139-140)

“Gentlemen, our order is that we now return home all peacefully and quietly, but still with alertness. I close this meeting with the national salute, Merdeka!”

But Japan is certainly not remaining silent. They immediately countered the actions initiated by the young people. On the next day, September 20, 1945, Menteng Raya 31 raided. Kenpetai troops capture the residents. Sidik Kertapati is one of them.

He being held together with Darwis, Aidit, Lukman, and Hanafi. Adam Malik caught two days later. All were dragged to the Kempetai headquarters (in today’s Mako POM Guntur building), then transferred to Bukit Duri prison.

Even so, the success of holding the huge meeting was a real confidence booster. Hope is also growing high. Sidik Kertapati also managed to escape, and returned to the lineup with other API figures who continued to organize resistance.

Choosing to Take Up Arms

After independence on August 17, 1945, Sidik Kertapati and other Indonesian youths moving forward. They tried to save the revolution and defend the republic by forming Laskar Rakjat Djakarta Raja (LRDR).

“They grew out of various armed youth groups forced out of Jakarta by the Allied forces, and who temporarily controlled the coastal lowlands between Bekasi and Cirebon,” writes Benedict Anderson (2018, page. 311)

The youths who were member of Laskar Rakjat Djakarta Raja (LRDR) then cenralized their activities around Karawang. Robert Bridson Cribb in Gejolak Revolusi di Jakarta 1945-1949 (1990, page.78) mentions that the LRDR stood out in its awareness of political orientation.

Although led by Sutan Akbar and R.F. Ma'riful, the organization’s policies were actually in the hands of the political council. Sidik Kertapati is one of them. Together with Chaerul Shaleh, Armunanto. Djohar Nur, Achmad Astrawinata, Samsir Mohamad, he was involved in efforts to formulate an uncompromising line against the colonial government.

LRDR also utilizes technology for organizational purposes. The RRI (Radio Republik Indonesia) transmitter in Purwakarta was used to broadcast their programs. The LRDR then published the newspaper Godam Djelata. Sidik Kertapati himself became its editor. Later, some of writings of writer Siti Rukiah, who later became his wife, also often appeared in Godam Djelata.

Along with Sjamsuddin Tjan, Sidik Kertapati then carried out tasks in the field of political education. As a follow-up action, two of them have been in the Barisan Rakyat (BARA). Another task carried out by Sidik Kertapati was to carry out coordination between troops (1990, page. 79)

While firmly embracing his political line, Sidik Kertapati and other LRDR groups alsp increasingly view diplomatic efforts with condemnation. On September 26, 1946, when Indonesia and the Netherlands were negotiating a ceasefire, the LRDR attacked the Dutch fort in Tanah Tinggi, Central Jakarta, which was located on the demarcation line.

On November 22-24, 1946, a week after Linggarjati agreement was signed, LRDR held a Congress in Karawang. A number of other Laskar organizations in West Java were involved. The congress strongly condemned the results of the Linggarjati agreement.

And the congress decision also resulted in an agreement to form Laskar Rakjat Djawa Barat (LRDB). As a federation of Laskar units in Cirebon, Sukabumi, Banten, Karawang, Purwokerto, Tegal, and Bogor.

Sidik Kertapati was elected to lead the Laskar Rakjat Djawa Barat. As his deputy, Achmad Astrawinata – a former leader of API Bandung – was choosen. Maulana and Armunanto were appointed as secretary and head of the political respectively.

“The new federation was headquartered in Cirebon, and had great success in cementing cooperation between the dominant units from Karawang and Cirebon,” writes Robert Bridson Cribb (1990, page. 128). “They were firmly rooted in the local rural areas. Among others thing, they were supported by the village defense system.”

In addition, Sidik Kertapatialso formulated brilliant publication strategy. LRDB published the newspaper Genderang. According to Robert Bridson Cribb (1990, page. 129), in the end of their oppositional stance could not avoid a number of open conflicts with the army. And sure enough. Later, they were involved in combat.

Benedict Anderson (2018, page. 311) notes that in the period 1946-1947, Nasution managed to disarm and liquidate most of the so-called Laskar Rakjat Djawa Barat.

Such was the journey of Sidik Kertapati. He chose to join the armed lineup. In the aftermath of opposing the results of Linggarjati agreement, and later refusing to move to Yogyakarta, Sidik Kertapati had to be willing to be hit by bullets during the guerrilla. That bullet remained in his body until the end of his life.

Sidik Kertapati’s experiences in this phase were later recorded in Sekitar Proklamasi 17 Agustus 1945. A work that has been printed three times. Ironically, during the New order regime (1967-1998) this important book was banned from publication. Many people regretted the tragedy of this ban. In fact, Benedict Anderson (2018, page. 53) had said:

“In general, Sidik’s description of the underground movement is the most complete and satisfying among other Indonesian language books.”

Establishing SAKTI

“What do you want to do now? We’re already marginalized. There seems to be no place for us in this republic.” A pessimistic question from Samsir Mohamad to Sidik Kertapati.

They were both young men who opposed diplomacy. Later, some of them decided to study abroad. Sidik Kertapati, and other friends – including Samsir Mohamad – chose to work in farmer organizations.  This was especially after they received reading material from Muhamad Yamin.

All shortly after the recognition of Indonesian sovereignty. He founded the Serikat Organisasi Tani Indonesia (later known as SAKTI). Unlike the BTI, which sought land of nationalization, SAKTI had a land program for farmers.

In 1952, Sidik Kertapati married Siti Rukiah. From their marriage, they had six children. During this phase, Sidik Kertapati’s activities began to show results. He became a member of the House of Representatives from the Independent faction.

In 1953, a bloody incident occurred in Tanjung Morawa, North Sumatera. The decision of Konferensi Meja Bundar (KMB), which had previously been opposed by Sidik Kertapati and his friends, now proved to be costly.

Deli Planters Veereniging, an association of tobacco financiers, wants to regain control of the land when they can enjoy it. But their efforts were blocked by the tenant farmers. The farmers committed insubordination. They fought back.

A total of 21 people became victims. Most of the tenant farmers were shot. Six of them died. The incident received attention from the media and parliament. PKI, as the opposition, denounced Mohamad Roem.

At that time Mohamad Roem served as Minister of the Nation. He was flicked by the PKI with the sarcasm “Mohamad Roem Traktor Maut". Agam Wispi, a leftist poet, precisely described this event in a poem entitled “Matinja Seorang Petani".

Meanwhile, Sidik Kertapati, as the leader of Sarekat Tani Indonesia (SAKTI), filed a no confidence motion. He received support from the Partai Nasional Indonesia (PNI). And finally, the Wilopo cabinet collapsed. He then handed over the mandate to Bung Karno.

In March 1954, Aidit gave a Central Committee report entitled Jalan ke Demokrasi Rakyat bagi Indonesia. In it, the PKI emphasized efforts to expand its membership.

They sought to draw more farmers into the lineup of the Party – especially the poor farmer and landless farmer. This was, in their opinion, the right political line. And soon after, the fusion between SAKTI and BTI was realized. The name remained BTI. And Sidik Kertapati filled the position of Deputy Chairman.

The Catastrophe of 1965

Disaster came after the events of the September 30^th Movement (G-30-S) 1965. This event took away everything he had. Sidik Kertapati’s life became tragic. Suddenly, the fate of his family changed drastically.

He was considered a sinner because of his political activities while fighting for interests of the farmer. He was forced to leave his children and wife Siti Rukiah – who also suffered from the cruelties of the fascist regime.

Sidik Kertapati was forced to live the life of an exile. At first, Sidik Kertapati’s whereabouts were unknown to his family. Siti Rukiah, meanwhile, was imprisoned for two years in the Purwakarta Military Police Corps (CPM).

“All my mother thought about was survival, because we had nothing left,” said Windu Pratama, the fifth child of Sidik Kertapati and Siti Rukiah (Tempo Magazine May 19, 2021, page. 41). “We never asked what happened. We just went through it.”

The family was constantly monitored by local authorities.  Until finally the good news arrived in 1985. Sidik Kertapati secretly contacted his family. And he asked Windu Pratama to meet him in China. The two met after going through a series of complicated procedures.

Unfortunately, the opportunity to meet Sidik Kertapati did not come to his wife, Siti Rukiah. She never saw her husband again. Siti Rukiah died in 1996. Meanwhile, Sidik Kertapati was only able to return to his homeland in 2002, when Abdurrahman Wahid (Gusdur) became the leader of this country.

Sidik Kertapati left the world at age of 87. Exactly on August 12, 2007. He was buried in Jakarta, as a Dutch citizen. His passing left a deep sorrow for his remaining comrades-in-arms.

Umar Said (exile journalist in France), Francisca Casparina Panggidaej (journalist, who is also the grandmother of famous actor Reza Rahadian), Trikoyo Ramidjo (manager of Bintang Merah magazine – ex – prisoner), and Ibrahim Isa (exile) also gave a kind of “obituary” of the death of Sidik Kertapati.

Meanwhile, Samsir Mohamad, as a friend, wrote a poem entitled “For Sidik Kertapati: Sahabat Seperjuangan”, written on July 2, 2007:

Akhirnya sampai juga (Finally, we arrived)/di ujung perjalanan ini (at the end of this journey)/dan usailah segala beban(and all the burdens)/ Kenyerian di tubuh dan di hati (anguish in the body and in the heart)/yang berpuluh tahun mendera. (That have been suffering for decades).

peluru negerimu sendiri (the bullet of your own country)/ negeri yang kaubela dan hormati/ (the country you defended and honored)/begitu lama, (so long,)/begitu lama, (so long,)/ bersarang di pinggangmu (lodged in your waist)/ nyaris membuatmu layu. (Almost made you wither.)

tetapi walau di kursi roda (but even in wheelchair)/ sesekali kaubangkit (once in a while you get up)/ berdiri tegak dan melangkah (stand upright and take a step)/ kukuh bagai nyiur yang tak kenal tumbang (firm like a nyiur that never falls)/ lembut bagai semilir angin pagi/ (soft like in the morning breeze)/ yang tebarkan kehidupan. (that spread life.)

di jantungku (in my heart)/kau hadir dan terukir(you are present and engraved)/kutangiskan air mata duka dan suka cita (tears of sorrow and joy)/dilambari rasa hormat (filled with respect)/untuk apa yang telah kau lakukan (for what you have done)/bagi bangsa dan tanah air (for the nation and homeland)/serta (and)/untuk sebuah kehendak yang mulia (for a noble will)/bagi kehidupan umat manusia (for the life of mankind.) 

* Translated from this article by Khumaira Birru Al Walidain.